Monday, July 7, 2014

A tale of two British citizenships

A tale of two British citizenships

July 7, 2014
by Samson B
Being British, by birth or naturalised has a profound meaning for the citizenry in times of adversity, particularly when the incidence happens in foreign lands. The British political system, media and the general public comes to one whenever a citizen is distress abroad whether in adventurous trip or caught by political turmoil and situations like kidnappings and violence. One can sight hundreds of public outrages and diplomatic wrangling on mistreatments of British nationals abroad. You can be a ‘drugs mule’ but the British system would do its best so as you get a dignified treatment and possibly prison swap to the UK after sentencing.A British protection is not a thing to be accorded for every passport holder.
Though the above seems to be a common practice things can be deceiving if taken on face value. A British protection is not a thing to be accorded for every passport holder. There are some ‘British citizens’ who are to be ignored whatever the gravity of their situation is.
Andargachew Tsige, a British national of Ethiopian decent is one of them. In Mid June 2014, Andargachew, secretary general of Ginbot 7 for Freedom and Democracy, a pro democracy opposition party in Ethiopia, has been abducted at a Yemen airport by Yemeni security forces and handed over to Ethiopian secret services illegally. As Adnargachew has previously been sentenced to death in absentia, what members of the Ethiopian community in the UK and worldwide expected was a public outcry of the situation and an assertive diplomatic campaign from the Commonwealth and Foreign Office. No single UK based media outlet covered Andargachew’s case. No single parliamentarian raised the issue at any level. The Foreign Office has chosen to keep quiet regardless of repeated calls from the Ethiopian community and his family members before the two rouge states make a deal on Andargachew’s life.
Who cares for an Afro-British who has been abducted in daylight and then illegally handed over to the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia? None! As Yaya Toure, the famous Manchester City footballer repeatedly asserts Andargachew’s only fault is his origin, Africa. He is an African with a British passport who is not entitled to get a ‘first class’ protection and advocacy in circumstances of adversity. As is the norm in many European countries Africans can carry their passports but it does not worth any better than their driving licence. It does not warranty them a protection and advocacy in situations of distress. Their case would not be a ‘Breaking News’ whether they are butchered abroad or in streets of London.

Sunday, June 29, 2014


የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌይ June 29, 2014 በዛሬው ቀን መተዳደሪያ ደንቡ በሚያዘው መሰረት የአባላት ጠቅላላ 1ኛ እና 2ኛ ሩብ ዓመት መደበኛ ስብሰባ በደማቅሁኔታ አካሄደ
የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌይ June 29, 2014 በዛሬው ቀን መተዳደሪያ ደንቡ በሚያዘው መሰረት የአባላት ጠቅላላ 1ኛ እና 2ኛ ሩብ ዓመት መደበኛ ስብሰባ ከቀኑ 15፥30 ጀምሮ 19: 30 በደማቃ ሁኔታ ተጠናቋል በዝግጅቱ ላይ በርካታ የድርጅቱ አባላት በቦታው የተገኙ ሲሆን ፕሮግራሙን ባለፉት ፪፫ አመታት በግፍ በወያኔ መንግስት የተገደሉ ኢትዮጵያዊን አደዚሁም በፖለቲካ አመለካከታቸው ምክንያት በየአስርቤቱ ለሚሰቃዩኢትዮጵያዊን በማስብ በድርጅቱ የህዝብ ግንኙት ክፍል ሀላፊ የአንድ ደቂቃ የህሊና ጾለት በማድረግ ፕሮግራሙ የተጀመረ ሲሆን በመቀጠልም የድርጅቱ ሊቀመንበር ስፋያለ አውቀት ዓዘል የመግቢያ ንግግር አድርገዋል እደዚሁም የተለያዩ ተጋባዥ እንግዶችም በየተራ ንግግር ያደረጉ ሲሆን በመጨረሻም በድርጅቱምክትል ሊቀመንበ የመዥጌያንግግር ጠካራ የድርጅቱን የአቆም መግጫ አሰምተው ዝግጅቱ በታሰው ጌዜ ተከናውኖል።
ዝግጅቱ በኖርዌጅያን የሰአት አቆጣጠር 15፡30 ተጀምሮ 19፡30ከምሽቱ ተጠናቋል።
የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥበኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌ
ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ !!!

ኢትዮጵያዊው-ኖርዌጂያን ኦኬሎ ኦካይ ኦቻላ ”ሞት ሊበየንበት ይችላል” -በሽብርተኝነት ክስ ሞት ተፈርዶባቸው ሞታቸውን የሚጠባበቁ 127 ሰዎች ኣሉ

በኖርዌይ ሃገር ውስጥ በኖርዌጂያንኛ የሚታተመው ዳግብላደት የተባለው ጋዜጣና ድረ-ገጽ ”ኢትዮጵያዊው-ኖርዌጂያን” ኦኬሎ ኦካይ ኦቻላ በሚቀጥለው ሳምንት ሞት ሊበየንበት ይችላል” ሲል ኣውጥቶኣል።
”ባለፈው ሳምንት ለማወቅ እንደተቻለው ዕድሜው 52  የሆነና  ኦኬሎ ኦካይ ኦቻ  የተባለ ኖርዌጂያን ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በሽብርተኝነት ተከሶ በእስር ላይ ይገኛል።” tiltalt for terror በማለት የጀመረው የኖርዌዩ ዳግብላደት ሲቀጥልም…”የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ቃለ ኣቀባይ እንደሚለው ገንዘብ ኣሰባስቦና ኣጥቂ ቡድን መልምሎ ኣደጋ ለማድረስ ሲሞክር ያዝነው በማለት መከሰሱን ያትትና በበኩላቸው የኖርዌዩ የሰብኣዊ መብት ጥበቃም ሆኑ የዓለም ኣቀፉ ሰብኣዊ መብት ተሟጋቾች ድርጊቱን በጥብቅ ያወገዙት ሲሆን፣ ኣያይዘውም ለዚሁ ድረ-ገጽ ታሳሪው ግለሰብ ያለበት ሁኔታ ከወትሮው የከፋ እንደሆነም ስጋታቸውን እንደገለጹለት ያወሳል።
 ኢትዮጵያንም ሆነ የቀድሞው የጋምቤላ ክልል ፕሬዚዳንት፣ በኣሁኑ ወቅት በማዕከላዊ ወንጀል ምርመራ ውስጥ የሚገኙትን  ኦኬሎ ኦካይ ኦቻ ”በሚገባ ያውቃሉ” ያሉዋቸውን የሰብኣዊ መብት ተሟጋችና ኖርዌጂያን ፈሊክስ ሆርነ ን  ኣነጋግሮ ድረ-ገጹ ያገኘው መልስ ”ኖርዌጂያኑን ኦኬሎ በሚቀጥለው ሳምንት የሚሰየመው ችሎት ሞት ሊበይንበት ይችላል” በማለት የገለጹ ሲሆን ኣክለውም፣
”በሃገሪቷ ውስጥ በሽብር ወንጀል የሚከሰሱት ዜጎች የሚገጥማቸው የሞት ፍርድ ነው። ነገር ግን እነዚህ ሞት የሚፈረድባቸው ዜጎች ምንም ማስረጃ ያልቀረበባቸው ናቸው። በሽብር ክስ ስለተከሰሱ ብቻ ዕድላቸው ይሄው ነው። በሞት ቀጠና የሚገኙትን ዜጎች የሚዘግበው ዓለም ኣቀፉ ድርጅት በኢትዮጵያ በእስር ቤት ውስጥ በሞት ቀጠና (ሴል) የሚሰቀሉበትን ወይም የሚገደሉበትን ጊዜ የሚጠባበቁ 127  ዜጎች  ይገኛሉ ሲል ፈሊክስ ሆርነ ለድረ- ገጹ ገልጸዋል።
 ሌላው ኣምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል ውስጥ የሚሰሩት ጌራልድ ካዶርድ ”የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ኦኬሎን እንደከሰሰው በሽብር ወንጀል ጦር ሲመለምልና ሲያደራጅ ኣግኝቶት ከሆነ፣ የሞት ቅጣት ይበይኑበታል የሚለው ስጋቴ ነው።የፍርድ ሂደቱን እንደምናየው የሞት ቅጣቱ በፍርድ ቤቱ ይለወጣል የሚል ዋስትና የለንም።” ኣያይዘውም ባለፈው ዓመት 8 ጋምቤላ ውስጥ ያሉ የተቃዋሚ ድርጅት ኣባላቶች በሽብርተኝነት ከሰዋቸውና የሞት ፍርድ በይነውባቸው ሞታቸውን በመጠባበቅ ላይ ናቸው።”
 ጭፍጨፋ
ኦቻላ ከሽብርተኛ ጋር ግንኙነት እንዳለው ኣላውቅም። ነገር ግን በጋምቤላ ውስጥ መንግስትን የሚቃወም ጠንካራ ተቃዋሚ ድርጅት የለም። መንግስትን ለመቃወም የሚነሱትንም ሽብርተኛ የሚል ስም በክልሉ መንግስት ይለጠፍባቸዋል።
 ኦቻላ የጋምቤላ ክልል ፕሬዚዳንት የነበረ ጊዜ፣ massakre 13. desember 2003. የ 1000 በላይ  የኣባወራዎች መኖሪያ ቤቶች በገዥው ስርዓት ወታደሮች ሲቃጠልና ከ400 የኣኙዋክ ንጹሃን ተወላጆች በጥይትና በስለት ሲታረዱ በስፍራው  ነበር። ይሄንንም ተከትሎ ወደ ደቡብ ሱዳን ስልጣኑን በመተው መሰደዱንና ከዚያም ከቤተሰቡ ጋር  በኖርዌይ ”ትሮንዳሄም” በተባለ ቦታ  በስደተኝነት በመግባትና ፈቃድ ጠይቆ በ2009 ዓ.ም የኖርዌጂያን ዜግነት ተሰጥቶት ነበር።
  ቢሆንም  ከ 2012 ጀምሮ በጋምቤላ ውስጥ በሚከናወነው ሁኔታዎች ይረበሽ ነበር። በዚህም የተነሳ ወደዚያው ኣቅንቶኣል።ማድረግ ግን ኣልነበረበትም።በኣንድ ወቅት በክረምት ወራት የሱዳን የመረጃና ደህንነት ሰራተኞች በሱዳን ጁባ ውስጥ ያለን ኣንድ ሆቴል በድንገት ከበቡት። ከዚያም በውስጡ የነበሩትን የሱን ጓደኞች  ኣስረዋቸው ወደ ኢትዮጵያ  ልከዋቸዋል በማለት ድረ- ገጹ ኣትቶኣል።
ቶርቸር 
በኣሁኑ ሰዓት ኦኬሎ በእስር ቤት ውስጥ ባልተረጋገጠ መረጃ ውስጥ ይገኛል። ይህ ኖርዌጂያን በምን ሁኔታ ላይ እንደሚገኝ ማወቅ ኣይቻልም።በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በሽብርተኝነት በእስር ቤት ውስጥ ሆኖ  የእናትነት እንክብካቤን ማግኘት ህልም ነው።እስረኞች ለቶርቸርና ስቃይ የተጋለጡ  መሆናቸውን ፈሊክስ ሆርነ  ለድረ-ገጹ ኣስረድተዋል።
የኦኬሎን የፍርድ ሁኔታ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሚገኘው ሪፖርተር የተሰኘው  ጋዜጣ ችሎቱ  ጁላይ 1 ይውላል ብሎ ቢገልጽም፣ የእኛ Dagbaldet በሲዊድን ያለውን የኢትዮጵያ ኣምባሳደር ለማግኘት ሞክረን ያልተሳካልን ሲሆን፤ ዓለም ኣቀፉን የሰብ ኣዊ መብት ተሟጋች ድርጅትንም ሆነ በኣዲስ ኣበባ ካለውም የኖርዌይ ኤምባሲ ትክክለኛ የችሎት ጊዜውን ማረጋገጥ ኣልተቻለም።
የኖርዌይ የውጭ ጉዳይም ለኣንድ ኣዲስ ኖርዌጂያን በኣደጋ ውስጥ በሚሆንበት ጊዜ፣ ወይም ኣደጋ በገጠመው ወቅት እንዴት መከላከል  እንዳለበት ከድረ- ገጹ ለቀረበላቸው ጥያቄ ምላሽ መስጠት ኣልፈለጉም።ድረ- ገጹ   ምላሽ በማጣቱም ይመስላል በኮንጎ ውስጥ ኖርዌጂያዊው Joshua French  በሞት ሲቀጣና፣  Shahid Azim  በኣስገድዶ መድፈር ወንጀል ፖኪስታን ውስጥ ተይዞ ሞት ሲፈረድበትም ኣላስጣሉትም በሚል ኣጣቅሰው ያለፉት። ቢሆንም ይላሉ የውጭ ጉዳይ ቃል ኣቀባይ ፍሮደ ኣንደርሰን፥ እስከኣሁን ከተከሳሹ ስለ ፍርድ ውሳኔውንም  ሆነ  ስለ ችሎቱ ቀን የምናውቀው የለም በማለት ገልጸዋል።
በኢትዮጵያ ያለው የኖርዌይ ኣምባሳደር  ኦኬሎ ኦካይ ኦቻላን በተመለከተ ተደጋጋሚ  ጥያቄዎችን ለኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ኣቅርቦኣል። ኦኬሎ ያለበትን ሁኔታ፣ የፍርድ ሂደቱን ለመከታተልና በእስር ቤት ለመጎብኘት፣ ቢሆንም  ከኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ምንም  ምላሽ  ኣልተገኘም። የኖርዌይ የውጭ ጉዳይ ቢሮ ሁኔታውን በኣደገኛነት እንደሚያዩትም ሳይገልጹ ኣላለፉም።
ባለፈው ሳምንት  የኦኬሎ ባለቤት ኦባ ኦድዋ ኦመት kona Obo Adwo Omot fram i Dagbladet  ”… ባለቤቴ ሽብርተኛ ሳይሆን የፖለቲካ እስረኛ ነው” በማለት ገልጻ ነበር። ይህችው የ ኣራት ልጆች እናት የሆነችው ባለቤቱ ባለፈው ሳምንት እንደገለጸችው፣ ”…በኣሁኑ ሰዓት በዚህ ጠባብ ክፍል ከኣራት ልጆቼ ጋር እገኛለሁ። ምንም የማውቀው ነገር የለም። ባለቤቴም የሚያውቀው ነገር የለም። የኖርዌይ መንግስት የተቻለውን ሁሉ ኣድርጎ ባለቤቴን ከእስር እንዲያስወጡልኝ እማጸናለሁ በማለት ነበር የገለጸችው።

Thursday, June 26, 2014

ለዲሞክራሲ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌይ አባላት በሙሉ
መተዳደሪያ ደንቡ በሚያዘው መሰረት የአባላት ጠቅላላ 1ኛ እና 2ኛ ሩብ ዓመት
መደበኛ ስብሰባ ጁን 29, 2014 ከቀኑ 15፥00 ጀምሮ ስለሚደረግ አባላት ሁሉ እንድትገኙ በጥብቅ እናሳስባለን!!
ቦታው አንቲ ራሲስት ሴንተር መሆኑን እናሳውቃለን
Antirasistisk senter
STOR GATA 25
0184 OSLO
የስብሰባው አጀንዳዎች፥
1 የ6ወር የስራ ክንውን ሪፖርት
2 የአባላትን ጉዳይ በተመለከተ ሪፖርት
3 በአገራችን ስላለው ወቅታዊ ሁኔታበጉባኤው ውይይት
4 የፋይናንስ ሪፖርቱ
5 በየ6 ወር የምንደግፋቸውን ድርጅቶች አጭር ግምገማ
6 ካለፉት ስራ አስፈጻሚኮሚቴ የኦዲት ሪፖርትይቀርባል
እደዚሁም ሌሎችም ዝግጅት በቦታው ይኖራሉ
ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ !
ዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌይ

Sunday, June 8, 2014

የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌ ጁን 8, 2014 በኦስሎ ከተማ የሻማ ማብራት ስነስርአት ተደረገ ።

በምርጫ 97 በወያኔ አጋዚ ጦር በግፍ ለተገደሉ ዜጎቻችንን ለማስታወስ በዛሪዉ እለት ጁን 8, 2014 በኦስሎ ከተማ የሻማ ማብራት ስነስርአት ተደረገ ። የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌ ይህንን የሻማ ማብራት ያዘጋጀበት ዋናው አላማ በምርጫ 97 የዲሞክራሲ ጥያቄ ባነሱና ንጹሀን ዜጎቻችን መታሰቢያ ይሆን ዘንድ ነው። ዝግጅቱ በግፍ በወያኔ ታጣቂዎች ደረትና ግንባራቸውን ተብለው ለተገደሉ ንፁሃን ወገኖቻችን በማስብ በድርጅቱ ህዝብ ግንኙነት ክፍል ኀላፊ የህሊና ፀሎት በማሰድረግ የተጀመረ ሲሆን በመቀጠልም የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌ ምክትል ሊቀመንበር ምርጫ 97ትን አስመልክቶ ሰፋ ያለ የመግቢያ ንግግር አድርገዋል እደዚሁም የኢትዮጵያ ማህበር በኖርዌ ሊቀመንበርም አጠር ያለ መልክታቸውን ያስተላለፉ ሲሆን የተለያዩ ተጋባዥ እንግዶችም በምርጫ 97 ወቅት የነበረውን የግፍ ግድያ አስመልክቶ በየተራ መልክቶቻቸውን አስተላልፈዋል። በተጨማሪም በምርጫ 97 በግፍ ህይወታቸውን ያጡ ወገኖቻችንን አስመልክቶ አጭር በፊልም የተደገፈ ምስል ቀርቧል። በዝግጅቱ ላይ በርከት ያሉ ኢትዮጵያዊያን የተገኙ ሲሆን ዝግጅቱ በኖርዌጅያን የሰአት አቆጣጠር ከምሽቱ 19፡00 ተጀምሮ 20፡30 ተጠናቋል።
የዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥበኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌ
ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ !!!
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Tuesday, May 27, 2014

Ethiopia: Mr. Obang Metho Accepted Annual SEED Award


May 27, 2014

Mr. Obang Metho’s Acceptance Speech: “The Journey to a New Vision for Ethiopia” At the 22nd SEED Annual Award ceremony

May 25, 2014
Washington DC.
I would like to deeply thank distinguished members of the Society of Ethiopians Established in Diaspora (SEED) and my fellows’ citizens of Ethiopia for this recognition. I am both humbled and honored to be here tonight as a recipient of this award. I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. I want to acknowledge others who have helped make this possible because, although I am accepting this award, this is not only about me. I did not come to this point alone, but must recognize the countless individuals, too many to name, who have contributed to this work along the way. Without them there would not be anything to acknowledge, just like the African proverb that says, “If you want to go faster, go alone, but if you want to go further, go together.” My thanks and appreciation goes to all of these people who have helped us go further. Our journey together has been one of many challenges, but because it has been shared, it has brought unexpected friendships, joys and fruit.
Mr. Obang Metho Accepted Society of Ethiopians Established in Diaspora Award
I was told that this award was in appreciation for the work done in defense of the freedom and civil rights of our people, especially, the under-represented Anuak. I am very emotionally touched by this statement, especially the inclusive phrase, “our people,” which embraces Anuak, as well as other Ethiopians, both mainstream and minorities, as part of the whole of people of Ethiopia. Do you realize how revolutionary this is? Ten years ago this never would have happened. It is an indication of a major paradigm shift in our thinking. It is a cornerstone of a New Ethiopia where humanity comes before ethnicity or other identity factors and where we care about our Ethiopian brothers and sisters because no one will be free until all are free! The journey has not been easy, nor is the journey over, but if we travel together, we will go further and possibly faster, than any of us expected.
This journey began on December 13, 2003, with a desperate phone call from Gambella, Ethiopia. A massacre of Anuak leaders had begun in Gambella, perpetrated by the TPLF/EPRDF Defense Forces, accompanied by civilian militia groups, incited and equipped by the military. Within three days, over 425 Anuak had been brutally killed in an effort to eliminate the strongest opposing voices to the extraction of possible oil reserves on Anuak indigenous land without first consulting the people.Obang Metho speaking at Society of Ethiopians Established in Diaspora (SEED)
When I first saw the names of those killed, I knew over 300 of the victims. They were family members, friends and colleagues in the development work I was carrying out in Gambella. As I grieved for the loss of their lives in the days and weeks that followed, I realized that the only option for a better future for the Anuak and the people of Ethiopia would not come from retaliation, but only from transformation to something better than the cycle of revenge we had seen played out in the past. Yet, despite this personal revelation, today’s reality of me standing up for the freedom of Ethiopians and speaking for a united Ethiopia did not come easily.
For example, being a minority—who looks very different from mainstream Ethiopians—complicates the journey even more than the ethnic differences among those in the mainstream, many of whom look alike. However, for the same reason, having to work through the obstacles these differences presented has been a critical component in finding my way in the journey to a more inclusive Ethiopia. Even though Ethiopians have often spoken of Ethiopia as the symbol of black pride; on the ground, the most dark-skinned, African-looking Ethiopians have suffered the greatest discrimination and marginalization.
How we value other human beings says a lot about our society and in the Ethiopia of 2003, we were in grave trouble. Thankfully, it is improving today; but not because of the faked unity under the TPLF/EPRDF’s model of ethnic federalism, which is simply a pretension of such, but instead because Ethiopians are actually changing. Back in 2003, things were very different.
Shortly following the 2003 massacre in Gambella, the handful of Anuak living in Washington DC organized a protest in front of the Whitehouse to condemn the killing of the Anuak. The protest was announced on Ethiopian radio, through flyers at Ethiopian shops and restaurants and through word of mouth; however, despite the fact that there were over 300,000 Ethiopians in DC at the time, only ten Anuak and four other Ethiopians from the mainstream—close friends of the Anuak—showed up for the rally. Anyone can give various reasons for the poor response; but regardless, it was a sign to the Anuak that they were in this crisis alone. Because they had no one else standing with them, they realized how vulnerable they were and that if they were going to survive as a people in Ethiopia, they had to stand up by themselves.
This led to my advocacy work, which began immediately, but later to the formation of an organization, the Anuak Justice Council (AJC). Its mission was to protect the rights and well being of the Anuak wherever they were found. Initially, the work for the Anuak stayed focused on the Anuak; however, three things happened to change our direction and to bring us along the journey to where we are today.
1. In February 2005, I was in Washington DC on my way to meet with former Senator Russell Feingold when I hailed a taxi to take me to the Senate building. A very friendly Ethiopian taxi driver picked me up and warmly greeted me, calling me his African brother. He asked me where I was from. I suggested he guess. He rang out a series of countries, including Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Nigeria, Sudan, Cameroon, and Senegal when I stopped him and told him to go back to East Africa. He said he had mentioned almost every country in East Africa and I said, no, not all of them. He then added Burundi, Rwanda, the Congo and the Central African Republic before giving up. I urged him to continue. He then asked for a multiple choice question. I said: a) Ethiopia, b) Eritrea, c) Somalia or d) none of the above. Before I could finish the last, he said it was none of the above. I told him he had gotten it wrong. He argued with me, telling me he was not wrong for I didn’t look Ethiopian, Eritrean or Somali. I told him, no, I am from Ethiopia. He again argued saying, “For sure, you are not an Ethiopian—prove it!” I then said, “How are you?” in Amharic, Oromo and Tigrinya. When I said this, he said, “Wow, you speak Amharic?” Yet, he still was not convinced until I told him I was an Ethiopian from Gambella and he finally got it. When I arrived at the Senate building, he refused to take any money for my fare; saying with warmth that I was his countryman.
Our conversation impacted me and changed my entire viewpoint. He knows this now as he and I have talked about this since that time; however, as I walked into the Senate building for my appointment, I thought, wow, here I am, coming to meet with US policy makers to advocate for the rights of the Anuak and yet, with someone from my own country, I had to speak the Amharic language to convince them I was Ethiopian. I began to grasp the fact that the battle ahead was much larger than I had thought. I realized that not only were other Ethiopians not standing with the Anuak as we were trying to seek justice, but also that I had to even prove my belonging as an Ethiopian. In other words, the justice I was seeking would never come to the Anuak unless it came to all Ethiopians, which required acknowledging our common cause and common bonds that at this point were nonexistent. The problem was deeply entrenched in the system and required a systemic approach and a change of thinking.
As I met with the senator, I wondered how many other Ethiopian people, especially from the minorities, had no one abroad to advocate for them in situations of distress. After this experience, I brought it up to the AJC board, making a case that from then on, we had to advocate for all Ethiopians. Some of those on the board agreed and some did not, but later the decision was approved by all members.
2. The second impactful event on this journey occurred on June 11, 2005 following the flawed 2005 national election. This was the day the first report came out documenting the first killings of protestors by Ethiopian security forces. That day, nine Ethiopians from the mainstream had been killed as they were peacefully demonstrating on the streets of Addis Ababa. By that same afternoon, a rally to condemn the killings had been called by Ethiopians, which took place in front of the Whitehouse. Because I was in Washington DC at the time, I attended the rally. Even before the event started, nearly a thousand people had gathered. Many more people continued to join them as time progressed. There were slogans, the reading of poems, and loud speakers amplifying phone conversations with family members of victims in Ethiopia so all in the audience could hear.
ለዲሞክራሲ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌይ አባላት በሙሉ
መተዳደሪያ ደንቡ በሚያዘው መሰረት የአባላት ጠቅላላ 1ኛ እና 2ኛ ሩብ ዓመት
መደበኛ ስብሰባ ጁን 29, 2014 ከቀኑ 15፥00 ጀምሮ ስለሚደረግ አባላት ሁሉ እንድትገኙ በጥብቅ እናሳስባለን!!
ቦታውን በቅርብ እናሳውቃለን!
የስብሰባው አጀንዳዎች፥
1 የ6ወር የስራ ክንውን ሪፖርት
2 የአባላትን ጉዳይ በተመለከተ ሪፖርት
3 በአገራችን ስላለው ወቅታዊ ሁኔታ መወያየት
4 የፋይናንስ ሪፖርቱ በጉባኤው ውይይት ይደረጋል
5 በየ6 ወር የምንደግፋቸውን ድርጅቶች አጭር ግምገማ
ድል ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ !
                                                                                                             ዲሞክራሲያዊ ለውጥ በኢትዮጵያ ድጋፍ ድርጅት ኖርዌይ